The Hague Trials Kenya offers Kenyans and other interested audiences an independent online forum to share their experiences, thoughts and questions about the three cases before the ICC relating to Kenya's post-election violence of 2007-2008. THTK is a project of RNW [radio Netherlands Worldwide]in partnership with This is Africa. Transcript of the interview: THTK: What do most people know you for? Luis Moreno Ocampo (LMO): Probably because I was the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. I'm well known in some countries and in legal circles. In Argentina, I was well-known because I was a prosecutor against our generals. THTK: What do you do now? LMO: Now, I'm a lawyer working in New York, teaching at Yale University and trying to see my kids and my family more, being with my family more. THTK: What is your background? LMO: I am a lawyer. My first case as prosecutor was against the top generals of my country: three former presidents. And suddenly my world was different. I was trained to face people in power. So I'm a lawyer who was always working against powerful people. THTK: Would you say your background prepared you to be the first ICC prosecutor? LMO: No one prepares you to be the chief prosecutor of the ICC. Interestingly, I was the deputy prosecutor of the Junta trial when I was 32. In fact, that was my first trial. I was totally not prepared for that, but I learned a lot. And the rest of my life, I was thinking the most important work of my life was when I was 32 because I would never have a bigger case than my Junta trial. And then, when I was 51, I was appointed chief prosecutor of the ICC. The Junta trial was my training. THTK: Some of our FB followers commented on your eyebrows. Did they give you a sense of seriousness as a prosecutor? LMO: I never was thinking this way. I don't think my eyebrows define something. It's the only black hair I have, so I'm very happy, but that's it. THTK: How do you feel about children in Kenya being given your name? LMO: The fact that in Kenya and other countries, people put my name to their sons is showing how useful the idea of the International Criminal Court was for them. My view is, as a chief prosecutor, I was basically a lawyer of the people who were victims of these massive atrocities. The fact that some of them recognized that and gave me the honor to put my name to their sons is showing that we achieved something there. THTK: Do you follow the Kenyan cases nowadays? LMO: I don't have the information I had when I was prosecutor. I follow the media about the Kenyan cases. So I know something. THTK: How do you feel when you hear about the Kenyan cases now? LMO: How I feel about the Kenyan cases? I feel the Kenyan cases show the possibilities and the limits of international justice because in some way, we helped Kenyans to have peaceful elections in 2013, mostly peaceful. People were killed but not so many. And that was the big worry before. Everyone was worried in 2009, 2010, everyone was worried about the next election. In some way, we helped it to have a peaceful election. The outcome was unexpected. But it showed that international justice is not just about judges and prosecutors. You need political leaders because basically what I see in Kenya is Kenyatta and Ruto were allegedly killing each other, their groups, and then they were smart. They made an alliance and they presented themselves as the reconciliation process. And Odinga, who was the other candidate, said no word about post-election violence or about ICC. So the only candidate who addressed really important issues before Kenyans were Kenyatta and Ruto. And that's why people voted for them, in addition to the tribal affiliation. So I think it's a good example of how you can help but you cannot transform Kenya into Sweden. That was exactly my thinking when I was in the Junta trial. When I started, my dream was that Argentina would become Sweden. It has not become Sweden. But we never went back to the massive violence. I hope in Kenya, it's the same. The problem is showing that the countries need a political leadership. And I hope Mr. Kenyatta, as a new leader, elected by his people can understand that and help them to move ahead. THTK: How efficient do you think the Waki Commission was? LMO: I think the Waki Commission collected interesting evidence in the Ruto case. It was less successful in the killings committed, allegedly led by Mr. Kenyatta. It was more difficult because in the time of the Waki Commission, Mr. Kenyatta was part of the government so it was probably more difficult for them to collect evidence. In our investigation, when we started, we had much more evidence against Mr. Ruto than against Kenyatta. But then, at the end of the process, we had more evidence against Kenyatta than against Ruto. Then, these things are evolving because sometimes a witness changes their mind or we have problems. I don't know. The situation now is complicated. Mrs. Bensouda said the witnesses are withdrawing, and this is related with the idea that people have fears. THTK: Could anything have been done to prevent witnesses withdrawing now? LMO: I don't think you could do anything to avoid the problem we have now because we protected our witnesses. We transferred them from Kenya to different places. But in some cases, we know families in Kenya were affected or threatened. When we investigate, we don't need to disclose who are the witnesses. But when you arrive at trial time - and that's the difference between the ICC and human rights groups - we should disclose our witnesses. And then the defense has the right to know them. And after that, it's much more difficult because they can go to see them in London or wherever they are. And people can threaten their families. So, it's part of the process. THTK: Some of our followers suggested that there was bribery of the witnesses. Did the Office of the Prosecutor bribe any witnesses? LMO: The prosecutor cannot bribe witnesses. He has no budget for that. The prosecutor cannot bribe witnesses. There were allegations that someone was bribing them. Yes, I had some evidence on that in my time, and I suppose now that there are more problems. THTK: Did you coach witnesses? LMO: No, people have to understand. We have very clear protocols on how to treat witnesses. They are very complex. First. it's about security. So we have a very complex protocol on how to protect before we are even in touch with them. And then in particular with those victims, those witnesses who were victims, we have a psychological assessment before we interview them to protect them. And then for interviews, there are a lot of protocols too. You have to start the interview explaining to the witness what is the ICC, the meaning of the ICC, then the meaning of a trial. You have to ask them to tell the truth. You have to ask them to be detailed. So there are a lot of protocols that we follow. Because also this will be scrutinised by the judges and the defense can challenge So it's a very complex and rigorous process. THTK How were the Ocampo Six chosen? LMO: The standard is: I asked my investigators: give me clarity - who are those most responsible? They collected the evidence and made the first call. They presented me their evidence, and these are our candidates. I challenged them: do you have evidence against this or that? In this way, we reached the conclusions. The information is coming from the investigators, and it's about the evidence they collected. THTK: What isn't Raila Odinga one of the accused? LMO: We have no information about Mr. Odinga being involved in the killings.He was part of the Ruto alliance, but we have information that Ruto was allegedly involved in organizing the attacks, but nothing about Odinga himself. THTK: Why isn't Mwai Kibaki? LMO Same. Zero. There were zero allegations that Kibaki himself was involved. There were some people talking about his wife, but it was marginal. But zero about Kibaki. THTK: The police were seen as having committed mass atrocities during the violence. Why were they not prosecuted? LMO: We presented a case against the chief of police. The judges said the evidence was not enough. But we tried. THTK: What was the biggest challenge you encountered in the investigation? LMO: In Kenya, the biggest challenge was to collect the evidence in a free way because the Kenyan government was really worried and there were people in the Kenyan government who were involved in the crimes. We had evidence against Francis Muthaura. The evidence was not enough to go to trial, but we had evidence against him. And Muthaura was one of the most powerful persons in Kenya in those days. So it was very difficult to collect evidence against them. And then when we tried to interview people, the Kenyan government was asking us for a very formal process, where we were going nowhere. When we extracted witnesses from there and we put people outside the country, protection was a big issue because it's difficult to be protected. Imagine a Kenyan person living in a European country. Some of them became drunkards. Some of them had problems with our security people. So it's a very complex process. That's why I think we are very proud that at least we can confirm the charges against most of the suspects before the elections and people can have clarity. People voted. It was not my business. There were some diplomats asking me to do something more to prevent Kenyatta or Ruto to run in the elections. And I said, it's not my job. Judges in Kenya should do that. And if they authorize them to run, people will vote. And if people vote for them, we have nothing to say. THTK: What constitutes evidence to a prosecutor? LMO: You need physical evidence. So in some cases, there were doctors' reports about rapes. And they were collecting physical evidence. There were some pictures. There were sites - so a church burnt down. We did some site analysis. And witnesses, victims, explaining what happened to them. And inside witnesses because part of the crimes were allegedly committed by the Mungikis. Some of the witnesses were Mungiki members. Mungikis are using violence and committing crimes. It's complicated because then people can say the Mungikis are criminals. You cannot trust them. So that's why we tried to have very high standards, to evaluate if they were saying the truth or not. So we compared the information with other information we had. And we selected those who we believe could stand on trial. THTK: What criteria do you apply to name someone a suspect? LMO: In our type of crimes, you first analyze what happened and you find their patterns. And you see that something was not spontaneous. It was ordered. The question is who ordered it? In one case, the evidence we had in those days was that Mr. Ruto was planning the attacks and organizing a group to do it. And as a consequence, Mr. Muthaura and Mr. Kenyatta, in accordance with our evidence, were involved in the retaliation. That's everything we had in those days. Now this issue should be checked in court. Ruto is on trial. He has a right to present his evidence and the judges will decide. I don't know what will be the outcome of the trial. We are presenting the case. The defence also has the right to present their own case. The judges are impartial. They have to make a decision. So it's a very high threshold. We see what happens. THTK: What do you say in response to a Facebook follow who identifies as a victim and asks: will I get justice? LMO: Justice is a long journey. I'm Argentinian. We're pretty successful but it took seven years to have a trial against the top commanders. Then there were the rebellions. The trial was stopped. And almost 15 years late, the trials started again. I did the best I could to move the cases. Fatou Bensouda is doing the same now. How far the International Criminal Court will arrive? I don't know. And probably the victims will keep asking justice for many years in Kenya. But justice is not just putting people in jail. For me, it's a shame that there are still people displaced in Kenya. And people who are not receiving some kind of help for the crimes they suffered. So, justice includes reparations for the victims. Justice includes truth. There are different types of justice, and I hope Kenyans will get justice. I know it will be a long journey. THTK: A lot of our followers expressed disappointment at the fact that you "retired" at the peak of the Kenyan cases and they think you left unfinished business. Why did you leave the ICC when you left? LMO: I left because I had to leave. It was my job. So I had a tenure for nine years and in June 2012, I had to be replaced. I could not stay. The law says I should go. That's why I was very pleased that I could finish the confirmation of charges. But after that, it's institution. It's not my place. Fatou Bensouda was with me, so she knew the cases very well. And she did the best she could. I could not do it better than Fatou. THTK: Do you ever wish that you could take over the Kenyan cases again? LMO: No, I cannot. Look, my responsibility was to build an institution. You build institutions doing cases, and that's what I did. But it's not my place. My heart is with the Kenyans. I always think about how much they suffered and probably they are disappointed. I understand that. I did the best I could. I know it's a long journey. And I know at the end, there will always be people who are disappointed. THTK: What do you say to Kenyans who feel resentment towards you? LMO: I suppose there are many Kenyans who feel frustrated and could express anger against me because for them I was a big hope. The fact that they had a peaceful election is probably not enough for them. And the fact that Ruto is on trial is not enough for them. So, I understand that. I did the best I could. I started the cases. I investigated the cases. I reached the confirmation of charges. After that, I could not run in the elections in Kenya. I was thinking, OK, I finish the ICC, I go to be the prime minister of Kenya. I cannot. So you need Kenyan politicians. We cannot rely on one person. We should prepare many persons in Kenya. And there are many good people in Kenya. But it's still complicated. But at least we move from a catastrophic situation to a situation... It's bad but it's not catastrophic. So it's an evolution. Is it enough? No. THTK: And how do you think Mrs. Bensouda is handling the cases? LMO: Perfect. Fatou Bensouda is doing a perfect, great job. Fatou Bensouda cannot define the elections in Kenya. She cannot define the attitude of the government. She cannot avoid that the witnesses are receiving bribes or threats. She cannot stop that. But she is very tough, very firm. There was a lot of pressure because as soon as Kenyatta became the president, the international community wanted to please him. So I read in newspapers that there is a lot of pressure on Mrs. Bensouda. And she was very firm, staying the line. During the last Assembly of States Parties, there was a lot of discussion, and Fatou Bensouda was firm. But as a lawyer she cannot go to trial with no evidence. So that's why she decided not to go to trial. But I think Fatou Bensouda was perfect. THTK: And the challenges that she has now, do you feel that she inherited them from you or are they new challenges? LMO: The International Criminal Court always faces new challenges. When I started, the challenge was to put the system in motion. Imagine, when I started it was the Iraq war. Many of the judges were thinking that the court would close in two years. So just arresting Lubanga was a huge achievement. But now it's nothing because our expectations are also growing. That's good. So in my time the main challenge was to put the system in motion. So now Fatou has to consolidate, and it's always complicated. THTK: Is it harder for Miss Bensouda now that she has to deal with a president and a deputy president? LMO: For us, we don't care. The fact that Mr. Kenyatta is president or vice president or Mr. Bashir was president or Mr. Ghadaffi was the president of Libya, we really don't care. We don't think in this way. We, criminal prosecutors, we look for the evidence, and we try to follow the evidence, and we prosecute the most responsible. That's our policy. What I found is OK, but that should not just be the policy of the prosecutor. It should be the policy for the states. Diplomats have different relations. They relate with states. They respect head of states. So for them it's different. But for prosecutors, we follow the case, really. THTK: Do you and Miss Bensouda have any type of personal relationship? LMO: I know Fatou Bensouda since 2004. She's very smart, and she's also very gentle. Very, very nice person, and very gentle. So it's very difficult to fight her because she's very gentle. I'm always ready to help if she needs me. The last time I was in New York, she was there, so I invited her for dinner, for instance. We have a nice conversation. And occasionally - once or twice a year - she calls me to comment on some issue. But this is her business. Fatou Bensouda is the prosecutor, I'm the former prosecutor. They had enough Ocampo for 9 years. They have to be rid of Ocampo. THTK: What do you think that the world can learn from how the Kenyan trials are evolving at the ICC? LMO: I don't know. In terms of the judicial process, I think we did the best we could. The problem of the witnesses is difficult to control. Probably we can do better investigation to avoid tampering of the witnesses. I believe the Kenya cases require a strong commitment from the international community. But in some way, the Kenya case is moving well in the sense that Kenya is evolving. Look at what happened in Darfur. Nothing is moving well. In Sudan, nothing us working well. In Kenya, it's going better. Of course, it's not enough. Answering your question better, I don't know. I think it's early to draw lessons. We need more time to see how this is evolving, if the efforts of Kofi Annan and the efforts of the ICC were enough or not. But one lesson we can learn from Kenya is that international justice is not just about prosecutors and judges. It requires national leadership. And that was the missing part in Kenya. THK: Do you think that Kenya's present day justice system could handle the trials without the ICC? LMO: Kofi Annan helped the Kenyans a lot to reshape their institutions, and they have a judiciary which is much more respected. It is difficult for any country to investigate their own president. Even in the US, it was very difficult to prosecute President Nixon, who also won the elections after Watergate. And also fired the prosecutor when he was requesting evidence. So it's difficult to investigate your own people. That's why the ICC can play a role. I don't know. I don't see that there's a case in Kenya yet. So I don't see Kenya case. But I believe that institutions in Kenya evolve and help more the people. THTK: Do you think the outcome of the Kenya cases will affect how the ICC is viewed by the world in future? LMO: I think the Kenyan case was very important because it shows something different. And in the Kenyan case, the crimes were by militias or by brutal authoritarian regime like the Bashir regime. The Kenyan case was a case where the politicians were using massive killings to get power. And Ggbagbo case is similar, the Ivory Coast case. So showing them that there is a problem – if you use violence to get power, you have a problem - I think was an important lesson for the world and Africa too. THTK: Why are only Africans being judged by the ICC? LMO: The ICC is there to protect those victims when no one else protects them. And in these seven cases we opened in Africa, that happened. In Colombia, there are massive atrocities, but there are judges and prosecutors investigating the cases. They don't need us. So for me, the ICC is not about popularity or prejudices or media information. It's about clear standards. When there are massive atrocities and no investigations, we are there. It's funny because Bashir was the one who presented that there was an African bias to cover his genocide. He's winning this battle. Journalists like you are asking me about African bias and not about genocide in Darfur. I think that is something that journalists have to improve. But ICC, precisely because we are in Africa. We are proud to be in Africa. We are serving African victims and we are working in Africa because the African leaders decided to be part of the ICC. THTK: Is there something you can do to make sure that the perpetrators are brought to justice? LMO: What I'm trying to do now, in particular from Yale, is to analyze how the other actors should respect the law. The law is not for judges and prosecutors. The law is for people. People have to follow the law and leaders have to follow the law. It's not to put people in jail. It's not I'm a leader, I can kill people. I can steal money. These are two basic rules. The law is for them. I think that is the missing part in the diplomatic area. At the UN, political leaders, they don't see the law as a limit for them. They tend to make agreements, and it's not working well. Sometimes I use an example: you go to Berlin and you take the subway. You don't take a train without paying a ticket because no one is controlling you. People pay. Even one of my staff, he went with a French colleague to a Brussels metro and he said, "we cannot take the train. Why not? Because the ticket office is closed, so we cannot take the train." So that is the meaning of the law. People understand the law. And that for me is the main goal of the ICC. It's not about cases. It's about everyone understanding when there are massive atrocities, end of the game. Whoever committed the crimes has to be out and investigated. And that rule is still complicated. You see what is happening with Syria today. It's still debating, options, negotiations because it's against Al Qaeda or maybe it's a good idea. So all of this should change. When someone commits massive atrocities, out of the game. LMO: The only thing I want to do now in my next ten years - I hope to live 10 years more - is to help teachers around the world to educate on peace and justice. We have a new generation coming. They are born in a global world, and they have to be educated on the connection between crimes affecting Kenya or if you live in San Diego or Washington or The Hague. And that is my new idea. Not new because I was doing this in Argentina, but now I'd like to promote globally to help teachers around the world to educate on peace and justice. Read more about the Kenyatta, Ruto and Sang cases at The Hague Trials Kenya.

US NGO asks UHURU/ RUTO to protect ICC moles MAINA KIAI and GLADWELL OTIENO - they may be killed

Friday January 24, 2014 - A New York -based Human Rights Watch has urged the Government of President Uhuru Kenyatta and his Deputy, William Ruto, to “protect” activists who are helping the International Criminal Court (ICC) collect evidence in Kenya. The advocacy group, in its 2014 world report released on Wednesday, claimed that after Uhuru and Ruto “narrowly won” the March 4th elections and barely avoided a re-run, they have resorted to deploy all the resources of the State towards bribing, intimidating and even killing those they think are working with the ICC court. The watch group said the civil society in Kenya has come under increased pressure from the Government for advocating for justice for the 2007-08 post election violence. They said in September last year, Maina Kiai, the former Head of the Kenya National Commission for Human Rights (KNHCR) and a United Nations Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association and Gladwell Otieno, the director of AFRICOG – were threatened by supporters of the President for their role in the ICC cases The organization gave President Uhuru Kenyatta 21 days to offer security to Maina Kiai and Gladwell Otieno or they file a case at ICC, accusing him of threatening the lives of the two Kenyan activists. The report was edited by Prof Makau Mutua, who is a Distinguished Law Professor at Buffalo Law School in New York

On August 8th, North Korean leader Kim Jong-un was in the audience to applaud his ex-girlfriend Hyon Song- wol (right), a singer with the Unhasu National Orchestra. 9 days later a group of artists were arrested for allegedly making a sex tape. His ex was one of them. They were publicly executed by firing squad on August 20th, while their families were condemned to a labor camp.From Asia NewsThe North Korean dictator Kim Jong-un ordered the public execution of his ex-girlfriend Hyon Song- wol, accused of ‘pornography’ with a group of artists from the National Orchestra of Unhasu, which his current wife Ri Sol -ju also once belonged to. The arrest took place on August 17,the execution took place in public three days later. According to the indictment the women filmed themselves having sex and then sold the videos in China. Some South Korean sources claim that there were many Christians among those sentenced to death who had a Bible at home, a “crime” that youcan pay for with your life or imprisonment in a state gulag in North Korea.Those shot to death include Mun Kyong -jin, director of the Unhasu orchestra, some singers and dancers of Wangjaesan Light MusicBand and some army musicians. All family members of the women involved were sentenced to forced labor. According to the Juche ( the delusional state doctrine conceived by the ” father of the nation ” Kim Il-sung ) is not enough to punish those guilty of a crime, but it is necessary to eradicate the evil ” for three generations . ” Every year, on the basis of this principle, thousands of children are born in labor camps and live there until their death.The “Young Marshal ” Kim Jong-un, the third son and heir of the “dear leader” Kim Jong -il, met Hyon about ten years ago . After a brief”official” relationship, the engagement was broken by the father of the dictator and the singer was given in marriage to a military man, while the “third Kim “met his present wife . According to various sources, the two have continued to see each other even after their marriages. The public execution is thus seen as a victory of the “Companion” Ri, who gave two sons to the current dictator and wants to ensure their survival in one of the most cruel dynasties in today’s world.On 8 August, the dictator took part in a concert performed by the now decimated orchestra. The execution is viewed by some analysts as a sign of affirmation of his power: ” Kim Jong-un is cruelly eliminating anyone who might be a threat to his rule, anyone who can defy authority. Public executions are silencing anyone who even thinks of undermining him . “

By Matsanga David Yesterday 6th February 2014 I had a debate with one of those who fixed William Ruto at the Icc Ken Wafula. This was one of debates where I managed to pin Wafula down on USAID KENYA funding . On national TV Wafula admitted that he obtained money from them USAID KENYA . That is all I needed the world to know. It is now clear that Karim Khan can use this evidence to prove to the court that there were people who fixed his client . The world now knows that Ken Wafula has known that the case against Ruto and Sang will go full length and Ruto will be convicted . These are the hard facts and worries that NGOs have on kenya . The want to cause a regime change . Wafula also revealed on TV that people in Eldoret were talking about the possibilities of breaking up the Kenyatta administration. Although the debate was not allowed full growth due to several inadiquencies of my opposite man called Wafula and the level of personal issues that were allowed by the moderator JKL who also called me a sycophant of Uhuru and Ruto , I am serious looking at never engaging nothing doers like Wafula in any future debate. My followers I have done my level best to bring out the problems that bad investigations brought on these cases,I have been badly treated by some of my own people who have lied about these cases. The lawyers of these cases have not listened to any other people and advise but have been self centred and at times very arrogant. The lawyers should have summoned my evidence that is before the court of Appeal of ICC and stopped these cases.They have not done so for 6 years and they continue to draw huge amounts of money from their clients yet they know that the evidence is fake! So while I have been a Pan African who stood for justice and wanted justice for both suspects and victims there are some malcontents who have different agenda. My agenda is to have justice for the suspects who were hand picked by Ocampo on political lines not legal grounds. I have no other agenda. I am an African who wanted to help another African country. And I have done it very well. I have been called many names by toxins of imperialism and handbags of Donors called NGOS, I have been prostituted by many merchants who benefited from the chaos of 2007 -2008. Kenya must watch the ken Wafulas who have already determined the Ruto and sang case . Kenya must watch the clouds that are gathering all day caused by the Ken Wafulas who are predicting a conviction. Having done my self assessment and fatigue evaluation of what I have done voluntarily as Matsanga where I brought the entire Africa together on the bungled cases through my noise and consistence I have come to a decision that I will wait to hear the out come of the ICC status conference on President Uhuru Kenyatta and the results of my two Applications before the Appeal chamber and then I will inform Kenyans and entire world on my next journey. I want to thank all those who have supported me and tell them that there is hope in whatever I have done and I want to ask for more constructive ideas that will shape the destiny . The cases that face president Kenyatta will collapse and what we should now think about is how to heal this country . The struggle against the case of William Ruto and sang must continue by evaluating Wafula,s dangerous information. Let there be a redemption strategy in kenya and if kenya does not create a redemption strategy it stands to have more inroads from the OTP . Thanks for all your good and bad comments but remember I am not a hired gun so as a volunteer I don’t deserve all the insults that were baptized on me. Thanks to the millions who have supported me and we shall fight up to the end.

According to Capitalfm Traveling the world should be on everyone’s bucket list but as African’s we are sort of limited to do that. What with visa issues? . I know most of us would love to visit Greece, Japan, Egypt, France among other countries on a whim but those visa restrictions can be something else. Most people choose to give up on their dream of seeing the world and instead opt for domestic tourism which is not a bad option . but it has been said that traveling the world is more fulfilling. In fact I have read from a couple of articles that one of the regrets most people have on their death bed is wishing they had traveled the world. You have not lived until you’ve visited at least 5 other countries in the world. That being said, you will be glad to know that there are43 countries you can visit that don’t require Visas. All you need is a valid Kenyan passport, some cash and a wanderlust attitude. These are those countries… 1. Antigua & Barbuda 2. Bahamas 3. Botswana 4. British Virgin Islands 5. Burundi 6. Barbados 7. Cayman Islands 8. Comoros (Required but can be obtained on arrival) 9. Costa Rica (If you have a valid Permanent Resident Card or Visa to US, Canada, UK or any European country) 10. Dominica (Not to be Confused with Dominican Republic) 11. Dominican Republic (Buy a $10 Tourist Card and Same condition as Costa Rica above applies) 12. Ethiopia (365 Days allowed Visa Free) 13. Fiji (120 Days) 14. Grenada 15. Ghana 16. Haiti 17. Hong Kong 18. Jamaica 19. Lesotho 20. Macau (Apply on entry for 30 days and renew every 30 days after that) 21. Malaysia 22. Malawi 23. Micronesia (30 Days) 24. Montserrat (180 Days) 25. Namibia (Tourist Visa Not required, Business Visa required) 26. Nauru 27. Panama (Same conditions as Costa Rica above) 28. Philippines (21 Days) 29. Rwanda 30. Saint Helena 31. Saint Kitts & Nevis 32. Saint Vincent Grenadines 33. Samoa 34. Seychelles 35. Singapore 36. Swaziland 37. Tanzania 38. Trinidad & Tobago 39. Tuvalu 40. Uganda 41. Vanuatu 42. Zambia 43. Zimbabwe follow us @kenyatimes

Mike Sonko the Nairobi senator is never short of surprises,from having a photoshop session with the late former south AFrican leader Nelson Mandela to his affection to the needy in the society.Currently being ranked as the most popular and loved senator in Kenya.Mike Sonko shocked many Kenyans when he announced to his fans on facebook that he had plans to avail free wifi internet to Nairobians strictly free from charges.Days later the visionary leader who is famous for his caring attitude to the low class urban dwellers announced on the progress so far concerning the project Watu wangu[my people], last week i promised you free WIFI internet. To bring this dream to reality, i have met with the major internet providers: Safaricom technical team lead by christine nyambura(Client service manager), Agness Wanjiku (Territory Executive), Kelvin kangwe, william opundo and SPIDD Africa technical team lead by Francis Adungo CTO. In our meeting we discovered that for us not to interfere with existing internet cyber cafes, we had to introduce Hot spots where this services will be available to all the major estates and slum areas. The main aim of this project is to provide Nairobi residents and visitors with free internet access for light browsing, easy access to county information updates and social networking. Lets suggest a USERNAME:- mngependa iwe Nairobi ama Nairobian?? PASSWORD nayo iwe Mike Sonko, Senator Sonko ama gani??? Be the boss. Amueni[decide]The documented information acted as a proof to the senators keeping part of his bargain and making his promises a reality to the city dwellers.Following by the comments on the posts Kenyans expressed their gratitude and visions towards the project.Once the free wifi is installed Nairobi will become the first city in the world to offer free wifi internet to its dwellers.Mike Sonko will definately go down the archives as the first man to initiate free wifi internet services to a densily populated city .This will see the emergence of Kenya as a tech hub giant in the world leaving Nigeria and South Africa struggling for their slots in Africa ...follow@kenyatimes

Last year, President Uhuru Kenyatta, became the first President in the history of Africa to marshal all the 54 nations in Africa with the aim of amending an international statute at the International Criminal Court (ICC). With a great smile and charisma and with the assistance of his Deputy, William Ruto, Uhuru traversed all over the African continent and eventually managed to force the amendments to the rules of the Assembly of State Parties which forms the International Criminal Court (ICC). According to a secret annual journal published by the White House last week, US President Barrack Obama described Uhuru as an “African leader who is loved by all Africans”. He said the African Union (AU)’s support for his case at the ICC is a good indication that Uhuru may onetime become one of the greatest leaders in Africa. “Europe has Winston Churchill, America has George Washington and Abraham Lincoln, Russia has Stalin and Khrushchev and Africa in the next decade will have its pairs of great leaders,” Obama wrote in the journal. “It is not easy to marshal the whole content to support your course. He is a leader that the world deserves,” Obama added. He also said that Kenya’s President possesses an extra-ordinary quality of leadership which is hard to get in a dozen of leaders all over the world. He also said he was moved when he saw South African citizens cheering Uhuru during Mandela’s requiem mass last year. “He was an ICC indictee and he managed to beat his political rivals. That is a show of commitment and hard work,” Obama said.

Amou Haji, 80, chose this way of life after some 'emotional setbacks' The 80-year-old now lives in a hole near a village in southern Iran He doesn't wash, because he believes being clean will make him sick He's single and he's looking for love. div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">